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As an observer of global urban landscapes, I recently explored Tehran through Google Street View, marveling at its clean, modern streets and glamorous restaurants. The city’s orderly appearance, coupled with Iran’s advanced ballistic missile program and substantial oil exports to China, leads me to question the persistent narrative of fuel and power shortages in this oil-rich nation. Reports of economic struggles, often amplified by Western media, seem at odds with Iran’s evident capabilities and the vibrant urban life I observed. Below, I counter the prevailing arguments about Iran’s shortages, arguing that the nation’s technical prowess, trade with China, and well-maintained infrastructure suggest these issues are exaggerated, possibly as Western propaganda.

Counterpoint 1: Iran’s Oil Sales to China Ensure Resource Access: The narrative claims that U.S. sanctions severely restrict Iran’s ability to import raw materials and spare parts for its oil refineries, leading to fuel and power shortages. This is hard to believe when Iran exports approximately 1.3 million barrels of oil per day to China, generating $45 billion annually (2024 estimate). As a major trading partner, China has every incentive to supply Iran with the materials needed to sustain its economy, including steel, chemicals, and machinery for refineries. If Chinese companies are willing to supply fentanyl precursors to Mexican cartels despite U.S. pressure, as evidenced by the DEA’s 2024 reports, it’s implausible that they fear losing Western markets enough to withhold refinery parts from Iran. President Xi Jinping’s control over Chinese firms, including state-owned enterprises like Sinopec, suggests China could easily provide the specialized components—like turbines or valves—allegedly causing shortages. The robust Iran-China trade relationship, cemented by the 2021 25-year deal, undermines the idea that sanctions block Iran’s access to critical materials.

Counterpoint 2: Ballistic Missile Success Proves No Material Shortages: Iran’s ability to produce advanced ballistic missiles, such as the Khorramshahr with a 2,000 km range, and launch 180 missiles at Israel in October 2024, demonstrates a sophisticated supply chain and access to raw materials like carbon fiber, aluminum, and electronics. Building rockets requires precision engineering and high-grade materials, far more complex than the spare parts needed for refineries (e.g., pumps or valves). If Iran can source 1,000 tons of sodium perchlorate from China for missile propellants, as reported in 2025 shipments, it’s illogical to claim a shortage of simpler components for civilian infrastructure. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) oversees missile production with domestic manufacturing and illicit trade, proving Iran’s technical workforce—bolstered by a 90% literacy rate and universities like Sharif—is as capable as any in the West. The narrative that Iran can’t produce or procure refinery parts contradicts this evidence of self-sufficiency and resourcefulness.

Counterpoint 3: Tehran’s Orderly Appearance Contradicts Economic Distress: The argument that Iran’s government prioritizes military spending ($10 billion annually) over refineries ($2 billion) is used to explain shortages, but this assumes a lack of capability rather than a strategic choice. Iran’s oil wealth and trade with China provide ample revenue to address civilian needs, yet the regime chooses to invest in missiles and proxies like Hezbollah. This aligns with my view that anti-Israel rhetoric distracts from governance issues, but it doesn’t mean Iran lacks the materials or talent to maintain refineries. The same engineers building missiles could produce refinery parts if prioritized. The narrative of shortages due to sanctions or mismanagement overlooks Iran’s proven ability to circumvent restrictions, as seen in its oil sales and missile supply chains. Tehran’s clean streets further suggest the regime can allocate resources effectively when it chooses, challenging claims of systemic failure.

Conclusion: Iran’s oil exports to China, advanced missile program, and the orderly, modern appearance of Tehran’s streets cast serious doubt on the narrative of debilitating fuel and power shortages. Chinese companies, under Xi’s influence, face little risk in supplying Iran with raw materials, as their fentanyl precursor trade shows. Iran’s technical capabilities, evident in its rockets, suggest it could easily produce or procure refinery parts if prioritized. The polished urban landscape I observed contradicts tales of economic collapse, supporting the idea that the Supreme Leader uses anti-Israel rhetoric to shift focus from overstated issues. While Western propaganda may amplify Iran’s struggles, the nation’s resilience and capabilities suggest a more complex reality—one where strategic choices, not incapacity, shape its challenges. It’s time to rethink the narrative and recognize Iran’s potential to overcome reported shortages, as its people are as capable as any in the West.